Lyle Andrew
2008-08-07 23:31:17 UTC
America's Richest Will Pay More Under Obama's Tax Plan
By Sam Pizzigati, Too Much: A Commentary on Excess and Inequality.
Posted August 1, 2008.
A debate between campaign economists on taxes shows a clear divide on
tax policy between Obama and McCain for America's wealthiest.
The ideologues who manage the Wall Street Journal's editorial pages
have emerged, over recent years, as America's most unrelenting -- and
shameless -- defenders of wealth and privilege. They enjoy the work.
They do it well. No one turns reality upside-down any better. Take,
for instance, the Journal editorial last week that defended George W.
Bush from charges that his administration tilts to the wealthy. George
W.'s tax policies, the Journal pronounced, have actually "caused what
may be the biggest increase in tax payments by the rich in American
history." Any Bush "giveaway to the rich," the Journal editorial
added, exists only as "a figment of the left's imagination." The
Journal offered some evidence for these bold assertions. According to
just-released IRS statistics, the paper noted, America's richest 1
percent paid 40 percent of all income taxes in 2006, their "highest
share in at least 40 years."
Case closed? Not quite. The rich, as a group, are indeed paying a
larger share of the nation's income tax dollars, but only because
they're pocketing a much larger share of the nation's income. As
individuals, the IRS data show, the rich are actually paying less --
far less -- of these incomes in taxes than they have in years.
In fact, if average taxpayers in the top 1 percent had paid taxes in
2006 at the same rate as the top 1 percent paid taxes 20 years ago in
1986, those average top 1 percent taxpayers would have each paid
$136,518 more in 2006 taxes than they actually did.
What do the McCain and Obama campaigns feel about this top-tilting tax
status quo? Both campaigns had a chance to explain last week in the
nation's capital, at the 2008 Presidential race's first debate devoted
purely to taxes. The host for the event: the Tax Policy Center, a
joint project of the Urban Institute and the Brookings Institution,
two bedrock pillars of the capital's policy wonk community.
Tax Policy Center researchers last month published a preliminary
analysis of just how the McCain and Obama tax plans would likely play
out. The researchers unveiled an updated analysis at last Wednesday's
debate, 56 dense pages of numbers and charts.
But one set of numbers stood out in that numerical mass: the Tax
Policy Center's comparison of which Americans would pay more in taxes
under the McCain and Obama plans and which would pay less.
Under the McCain plan, the Tax Policy Center figures indicated,
Americans in the top 0.1 percent -- that's everyone making at least
$2,871,682 -- would average $192,645 less in taxes in 2012 than they
would if the current tax situation were simply extended.
After-tax incomes for the top 0.1 percent, if the McCain tax plan
became law, would jump five times faster than after-tax incomes for
taxpayers in the middle of the U.S. income distribution and 15 times
faster than average incomes for the poorest fifth of Americans.
Under Obama's tax plans, the top 0.1 percent would pay more in taxes,
not less -- an average $788,959 more. Middle- and low-income
Americans, by contrast, would see sizeable tax cuts. These cuts,
according to the Tax Policy Center analysis, would save Americans in
the middle almost four times more than the savings they would see from
the McCain plan. Poor Americans would save 30 times more under Obama
than McCain. At last week's debate, Obama's lead expert -- University
of Chicago economist Austan Goolsbee -- spoke first. Not surprisingly,
Goolsbee welcomed the Tax Policy Center numbers. McCain's tax plan, he
energetically charged, would "magnify" the "regressive" legacy of the
George W. Bush years.
Onlookers in the packed Urban Institute meeting room then hunched
forward for the McCain campaign response -- from Douglas Holtz-Eakin,
a former White House Council of Economic Advisers chief economist.
Would Holtz-Eakin blast the Tax Policy Center for propagating
misleading information? Would he try to deny that the lion's share of
the tax savings from the McCain plan would go to taxpayers at the top
of the nation's economic ladder? He would not.
Holtz-Eakin made no challenge whatsoever to the Tax Policy Center's
numbers on the distributional impact of the McCain tax plan. He simply
ignored them -- and orated instead on "what John McCain is trying to
accomplish" with his tax proposals. And what's that? McCain's plans,
Holtz-Eakin asserted, focus on "creating jobs and economic growth."
That sound familiar? Here's why: The Bush White House used the exact
same rationale, back in 2001 and 2003, to justify its tax cuts for the
wealthy. But don't credit George W. with any originality on that
score. Two decades earlier, in 1981, Ronald Reagan made the same case
-- that tax cuts for the rich bring an economic growth that benefits
everybody. Ronald Reagan's tax cuts and George W.'s tax cuts delivered
nothing of the sort. These cuts didn't "grow" a healthy economy. They
merely grew the wealthy's share of America's economic pie. And they
didn't just grow the wealthy's share of that pie. They doubled it.
In 1986, this month's newly released data from the IRS document,
America's top 1 percent collected 11 percent of the nation's income.
In 2006, these top 1 percent taxpayers took home twice that share, 22
percent.
In sum, tax cuts for the wealthy clearly work. For the wealthy.
Sam Pizzigati is the editor of the online weekly Too Much, and an
associate fellow at the Institute for Policy Studies.
By Sam Pizzigati, Too Much: A Commentary on Excess and Inequality.
Posted August 1, 2008.
A debate between campaign economists on taxes shows a clear divide on
tax policy between Obama and McCain for America's wealthiest.
The ideologues who manage the Wall Street Journal's editorial pages
have emerged, over recent years, as America's most unrelenting -- and
shameless -- defenders of wealth and privilege. They enjoy the work.
They do it well. No one turns reality upside-down any better. Take,
for instance, the Journal editorial last week that defended George W.
Bush from charges that his administration tilts to the wealthy. George
W.'s tax policies, the Journal pronounced, have actually "caused what
may be the biggest increase in tax payments by the rich in American
history." Any Bush "giveaway to the rich," the Journal editorial
added, exists only as "a figment of the left's imagination." The
Journal offered some evidence for these bold assertions. According to
just-released IRS statistics, the paper noted, America's richest 1
percent paid 40 percent of all income taxes in 2006, their "highest
share in at least 40 years."
Case closed? Not quite. The rich, as a group, are indeed paying a
larger share of the nation's income tax dollars, but only because
they're pocketing a much larger share of the nation's income. As
individuals, the IRS data show, the rich are actually paying less --
far less -- of these incomes in taxes than they have in years.
In fact, if average taxpayers in the top 1 percent had paid taxes in
2006 at the same rate as the top 1 percent paid taxes 20 years ago in
1986, those average top 1 percent taxpayers would have each paid
$136,518 more in 2006 taxes than they actually did.
What do the McCain and Obama campaigns feel about this top-tilting tax
status quo? Both campaigns had a chance to explain last week in the
nation's capital, at the 2008 Presidential race's first debate devoted
purely to taxes. The host for the event: the Tax Policy Center, a
joint project of the Urban Institute and the Brookings Institution,
two bedrock pillars of the capital's policy wonk community.
Tax Policy Center researchers last month published a preliminary
analysis of just how the McCain and Obama tax plans would likely play
out. The researchers unveiled an updated analysis at last Wednesday's
debate, 56 dense pages of numbers and charts.
But one set of numbers stood out in that numerical mass: the Tax
Policy Center's comparison of which Americans would pay more in taxes
under the McCain and Obama plans and which would pay less.
Under the McCain plan, the Tax Policy Center figures indicated,
Americans in the top 0.1 percent -- that's everyone making at least
$2,871,682 -- would average $192,645 less in taxes in 2012 than they
would if the current tax situation were simply extended.
After-tax incomes for the top 0.1 percent, if the McCain tax plan
became law, would jump five times faster than after-tax incomes for
taxpayers in the middle of the U.S. income distribution and 15 times
faster than average incomes for the poorest fifth of Americans.
Under Obama's tax plans, the top 0.1 percent would pay more in taxes,
not less -- an average $788,959 more. Middle- and low-income
Americans, by contrast, would see sizeable tax cuts. These cuts,
according to the Tax Policy Center analysis, would save Americans in
the middle almost four times more than the savings they would see from
the McCain plan. Poor Americans would save 30 times more under Obama
than McCain. At last week's debate, Obama's lead expert -- University
of Chicago economist Austan Goolsbee -- spoke first. Not surprisingly,
Goolsbee welcomed the Tax Policy Center numbers. McCain's tax plan, he
energetically charged, would "magnify" the "regressive" legacy of the
George W. Bush years.
Onlookers in the packed Urban Institute meeting room then hunched
forward for the McCain campaign response -- from Douglas Holtz-Eakin,
a former White House Council of Economic Advisers chief economist.
Would Holtz-Eakin blast the Tax Policy Center for propagating
misleading information? Would he try to deny that the lion's share of
the tax savings from the McCain plan would go to taxpayers at the top
of the nation's economic ladder? He would not.
Holtz-Eakin made no challenge whatsoever to the Tax Policy Center's
numbers on the distributional impact of the McCain tax plan. He simply
ignored them -- and orated instead on "what John McCain is trying to
accomplish" with his tax proposals. And what's that? McCain's plans,
Holtz-Eakin asserted, focus on "creating jobs and economic growth."
That sound familiar? Here's why: The Bush White House used the exact
same rationale, back in 2001 and 2003, to justify its tax cuts for the
wealthy. But don't credit George W. with any originality on that
score. Two decades earlier, in 1981, Ronald Reagan made the same case
-- that tax cuts for the rich bring an economic growth that benefits
everybody. Ronald Reagan's tax cuts and George W.'s tax cuts delivered
nothing of the sort. These cuts didn't "grow" a healthy economy. They
merely grew the wealthy's share of America's economic pie. And they
didn't just grow the wealthy's share of that pie. They doubled it.
In 1986, this month's newly released data from the IRS document,
America's top 1 percent collected 11 percent of the nation's income.
In 2006, these top 1 percent taxpayers took home twice that share, 22
percent.
In sum, tax cuts for the wealthy clearly work. For the wealthy.
Sam Pizzigati is the editor of the online weekly Too Much, and an
associate fellow at the Institute for Policy Studies.